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ill) 3 O (5) Volume XXIX. GREENSBORO, N. C, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 13, 1867. TILE PATRIOT. 11 -liI.t-ntK EVKKT IT M DAT BT D. F. CALDWELL, i- i) i t o r. a n i) "r n o r p. I e T o K . Ii It r. Tlircc Dollar per Annum. 1T.1CES Foil ADVEUTISINO. A I vfi ti-.-i.i. i,t w;;ib.MfwortodinTniPATRiOT u. t'," ri. o ..i" ONE DO LLAII pr square of line, oh i.;:- f.-f the firt insertion, aud 11 1 TV (M'NTS f-r i! h cntir,uimcn. A lib-rikl l i tiofi will be nid in faTor of t'w-i vh- uv l -ir- t. lvertis quarterly or yirlv. K..r ftfin-.-ir.-ir..r e:o,did;te fr nGirc TIIIIKE JM "LbA U- t" ! "iiJ in advance. lP No xnli-'Ti j'timi- 1 i -torni t i nut d until all irr .r.i:- ui eaid. The President's Message. i i '. J':.,,-. ret ' n to w t if: r i I ...l! t! . !,!',,. H -ill' iiisor'r.'inuntitn 'hi' .1,1 . 1 (!!. !.:!- 3 -1 ! r:,M I. .f the I :ui I putriolic ronctrn. . Hn'l Mme rt'Iit-f from ri !l - (H.r tb:.t thv :iin- n, ivltliu igh lnlut mi i i it jii tfic expe- l' iti'-il hcuMire J" r- r in f.ns tli- r has not yet whih civil wars , i'k :s i.i v iiK 'I. An fnliii'it- ! K u' v, with u wise WiKti- r : . i , 1 1 r ii W!,. I - th. 1 . .1 i i ;:,.u fi tr.-.- pvTiiint.-i:t, nay ir lV i i nry :unl mitints tlu ir iir.'f'.ni all it !'kvji.-.1,.i. i,j v, i ll it- t n.'l.iiiu ntal law. , ,i .. ic I;.- ii I:ouht to a I i : o lir.-l interest ami 1 1 tt ila' in i ui i"H I .,::!. ii :'"u -cl ri:i'l to Mturo it. U-.'telu-s :i fully -i' !.. This .l.Jty .., , in ! : .li. 'ii .f Oh; r-lo!lion ,.:!', . . i'li'i -f.ot. t .ill v v tho Kxe cr,r.'i i i', ' ? : it - - b .i t iv the Jiisurrec t;. t! i: v ,- t'rMv !, :uil restoration :ir-' :c i i'iili't aee, wan btliev ,4 :;-, .iji-l i-frta!'. n it was in- i-:ii'i.'. t !.'li"tis a .'aliiv aihi .:ili h ntlv entertaineil, were i "- ,11 I l ! i!-T.i.t'n; "i i i -ji-.aiion irotn which 1 t t t m.ii' 'I ly my olli;ftioua to the . it ir, i' 'ii t' HithhoM my assent. It i-, ti. Kt'.T , a source of jirofouuJ re i t that i:i c t'lj'fyiii with tiie obliga ti 'i'.s irut'ost."! uj'.)!, tja. I'leiiltut by the ('!. s'.'r t.'iii, t r t C'onrees from i.:v.,- t ( time iiili rmatii.ii of the ktate of 1 1 m I " t ; i - . I am tin.iolr to communicate any driiiiit" ..lj'i",:nf nt, satisfactory to Ani' i .a t''o:'!r, of -in t'. i t.. b ',!' Th ' a! lowevi r, tli.-n Ki rea- Lh. i' the questions relH'Uion, have th- On ; j '(.".! ' a-- i ll '.' oi in e n! 'ii.: iniii'l. t.t::u v, c.i;i.hr c(uiiels me to )artinent. Those convictions are not on y unchanged, but strengthened by subbe qaent event9 and further reflection. The transcendent importance of the subject will be a Buftieient excuse for calling yur attention to some of the reasons which have htrongly influenced my own judg ment. The hope that we may all fiNy concur in a mode of BCttlement consistent at once with our sworn duties to the Constitution, U too natural and too jost to be easily re linquished. It is clear to my apprehension that the States, lately in r-bellion, are still mem bers of the National Union. When did thry ceae to be R ? The "Ordinance of Secession," adopted by a portion,-in most of them a-very small por tion, of their citizens were mere nullities. If we admit now that, they were valid and effectual for the purpose intended by their authors we sweep from under our feet the whole ground upon which we justified the war. Vcr thos States afterwards ex pelled from the Union by the war? The direct contrary averred by thit gov ernment to be its purpose and was so un derstood by all those who gave their blood and tieasuro to aid in its prosecution. It cannot be that a successful war, waged for the nreserva'ion of the Union, had tho le gal effect of dissolving it. The victory of the nation's arms was not the disgrace of her policy. The defeat of secession in the battlelMd was not ihe triumph of its law less principles. N.r could Congress with or without the consent of .the executive, do anything which would have the effect di rectly or indirectly of separating the States from each other. To dissolve the Union is to repeal the Constitution which holds it together, and that is a power which does not belong to any department of thU (iov ensriMit or to all of" them united. This i so plain that it has been acknowledged by ail branches of the Federal Government. Tht- Executive my predecessor as well as myself and the luads of all the depart ments have uniformly acted upon the prin ciple that the Union id not onlyuudissolved but indissoluble. Congress submitted an amendment of the Constitution to be ratified by the Southern States and accepted their acts ot ratification as necessary and la f til exercise of their highest function. If they were not States, or were States out of the Un ion, their consent to a change in tho funda mental law ot the Union would have been negatory, and Congress, in asking it com mitted a political absurdity. The Judiciary has also given the solemn sanction of its authority to the same view of tho case. The Judges of the Supremo Court have included the Southern States in their circuits, and they are constantly in bane and elsewhere, exercising jurisdict ion which does not belong to them, unless thosp States are States of the Union. If the Southern States are component parts of 'tho Union, the Constitution is the supre- mest law for them as it is for all the other States; they are bound to obey it and so are we. lhe riht ot the redenl Govern-; oeing expressly forbidden, cannot be con- rnent, which is clear :md unquestionable, j stitutionall) inflicted upon any poition of Number 1,374. wronff ality is always false which excuses a because it pronosea to afiumrlUli oC;.. b!e end. We are not permitted to do vii that good may come. But in this case the end itself is evil as well as the means. The subjugation of the States to negro domi nation would be worse than the military despotism under which they are now suf fering. It was believed beforehand that th e people would end are any amount of military oppression for any length of time rather than degrad themselves by subjec tion to the negro race. Therefor the thorited to dietaU what alteration shall be made in the Constitutions of the several States. To control the election of State Legislators and State officers, find mem bers of Congress and electors of President and Vice President, by arbitrarily declar ing who shall rote, and who shall be ex cluded from that privilege; to dissolve State Legislatures or prevent them from assembling; to dismiss Judges and other civil functionaries of the State and appo'mt others without regard to State law ; to or ganize and operate all the political ma chinery of the States; to regalata the whole administration of their domesticand local affairs according to the mere will of strange and irresponsible agents sent among them for that purpose, these are powers not granted to the federal govern ment, op to any oue of its branches. Not being granted, we violate the Con stitution in the face of a positive interdict, for the Constitution forbids us to do what ever it does not affirmatively authorize either by expiess words or by clear impli cation. If the authority we desire to use does not come to us through the Consti tution, we can exercise it only by usurpa tion, and usurpation is the most dangerous of political crimes. By that crime the enemies of free government in all ages have worked out their designs against public liberty and private right. It leads, directly and immediately, to the establish ment of absolute rule, for undelegated pow er is always unlimited and unrestrained. The acts of Congress in question are not only objectionable for their assumption of ungranted power, but many of their pro visions are in conflict with the direct pro visions of the Constitution. The Consti tution commands that r. republican form of government shall be guaranteed to all the States ; that no person thall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, arretted without a judicial rarrant, or punished without a fair trial meusuro to bujhl r.pon before an impartial jury , that the pnvi-; great political fabric, and to preserve its stability lor more than ninety jears, while demands, is to degrade it and finally de stroy its power. For it may be safely as sumed that no political truth is better es tablished than that such indiscriminate and all-embracing extension of popular suffrac: must end at last in its overthrow and de struction. I repeat the expression of my willing ness to join in any plan within the scope ot our constitutional authority, which pro mises to better the condition of the ne groes in the South, by encouracrinrr them in industry, enlightening their minds, ira- j less adverse to it. this Sllbiect. Wo Uvt in n iwmfv w Vioro " i triYvrmol n-WkrWA1.... - : . U. 1 Ml 1 l ',. ... , l-Vk 'IM, khv popular win aiways eniorce ooeaienee nira responsible to the whole people h i to itself, sooner or later. It is vain to to separate const:! uc-nt : bdie' -n1 '" mouv vi vppusuig tt wiiii anjimng snort may near :us accusation v"t!rr nt di of legal authority backed by overwhelming yor. .The Senat- is aVoiuteh 'Ui'-'v - iorc. it cinnot nave ecapei yonratten- known st:naartrot A tion that, from the dav on which Congress i fcuch a case. ;si m - 'p.:v.i(.K fairly apd formally presented the prcpofi Its judgment cannot be a-Uleij.ittd v r t:on to govern the Southern States by mili- it is not govt rncd by nil v njT0 Tlw lv -tary force, with a view to the establish-i does not defino what shall be deemed I tnesit of Eegro supremacy, every expression j cause for rcmovrd. , It is imposiilo m -1 Of the General s.-ntimnt l4 I,oom r.irn ' 1 t - MM.iiu.tnr.. .-!. . ' .v v , , w vv'jn.um wij.ii may or llliv rot ! - i . i j t "tuvvuiiji: lucii in ilk i h. i in- i i :i i vm ri- . n it i . . tyi inc? r tKu j oaioi. a i . . i. . . . . mm - nave oeen left without a choice. Negro proving their moral. x-; r' 'Z x Tl.? c' ture of. sullrage was established by act of Con-, Ion to all their inSt i . : ,r 1 ; ,a- , c.8Ul, e I,,r" ear proof.. If t!u, gross, and the military officers were com manded to superintend the process of cloth ing the negro race with the political privi leges torn from white men. The blacks in the South are entitled to be well and humanely governed and to have the protection of just laws for all their rights of peton and property. If it were practicable at this time to give them a government exclusively their own under which they might manage their own affairs in their own way it would be come a grave question whether we ought to do so or whether common humanity would not require us to save them from themselves. But under the circumstances is is oniy a speguiative point. It is not frtituuon ot their ancestors. Their rieter- ? charge be incapacity, what evident proposed merely that they shall govern descendants will be equal to the arduous themselves but that they shall rule the white race, make and administer State laws, elect Presidents and members of Congress, aud shape to a greater or less extent the future destiay of the whole country. Would such a trust and power be safe in such hands? The peculiar qualities which should char acterize any people who are fit to decide upon the management of public affairs for a great State have seldom been combined. It is the glory of white men to know that they have had these qualities in sufficient this continent a lege ot habeas corpus shall rot be denied in time of peace, and that no bill of attain der iall be pu"h( d even against a single individual. Yet the system of measures task before them, but it is worse than mad ness to expect that neerroes will nerform it for us ; certainly we ought not to ask their assistance until we despair of our own competency. The great difference between the two races in physical, mental and mor al characteristics will persist an amalgama tion or fusion of them together in one homogeneous mass. If the inferior obtains the ascendancy over the other it will gov ern with reference only to its own inter ests, for it will recognize no common inter est, and create such a tyranny as this con tinent has never yet witnessed. Already the negroes are influenced by promises of confiscation and plunder. They are taught to regard as an enemy every white man who has any respect for the rights of his own race. If this continues it must be come worse and worse until all order will m every other parr, ot the world a 1 similar cxp- rimeri's have failed. But if anything can b,' po.ed b. known facts, if all rea- established by these acts of Congress d e j sonin :,ion evidence is not abandoned, it totally subvert and destroy tho form as j must be acknowledged that in the progress : be subverted, all industry cease, and the well as the substance of Kepubliean gov-1 ot nations negroes have 6hown less capac-1 iair fields of the South grow up into a wil ernment iu the ten States to which they ity for government than any other race of j derness. apply. It binds them hard and la-t in abso- J people. No independent government of! Of all the dangers which our nation has lute slavery and subjects them toastrange ; any form has ever been successful in their j yet encountered none are equal to those and hostile power more unlimited and more ! hand-. On t lie contrary, whenever they which must result from the success of the likely to be abused than any other now j have been left to their own devices, they ; effort now making to Africanize tho half Known among civilized men. j have shown a constant tendency to relapse i or our country. It tramples down all those right in which 1 into barbarism. In the Southern States, I I would not put considerations of mon the essence of liberty consists, and which however, Congress has undertaken to con- j ey in competition with justice and riht a free government jsalways most careful to f r upon them the privilege of the ballot, t but the expenses incident, to rnnonjtrnr.t! l!:at ai tLU time there is no Union ! to enforco the constitution upon them, im- j our people no matter how they may have l 1 M niy w!; in i. -th .. S:-1 (..!(.. un.l-.T-tood the term, and as j plies the correlative obligation cm our part to observe its limitations and execute its guarantees. Without the Constitution wo are noth ing; by, through, and under the Constitu tion we aro what it m ikes us. We may t, re mean I :t t he und- rstood by us. i' h they cstablihed can ex all the States are renrescnt- iieiM-t of Congress: "where i" a- free a another to regulate t ' Uf 'iiiJ :ii'coidi"g to its own v. ti tc the laws of the central I.Mnef.y eoTilineil to matters infliction, apply with equal th.' poople of evetv section. protect. Itdentes the habeas corpus and JiM, released from slavery, it may be ; ion under the system adopted by Congress the trial by jury. Personal freedom, prop-; d-fubted whether as a class they know aggravate what I regard as tho intrinsic erty, and life, it assailed by the passi'.n, ; more tlian their ancestors how to organize j wrong of the measure itself. It has cost the prejudice, or the capacity of the ruler I and regulate civil society. Indeed it is ad- J uncounted millions already, and, if persist havc no secui ity whatever. 1 1 has the ef-: mined that the blacks of the South are not ed in, will add largely to the weight of feet of a bill of attainder or a bill of pains j only regardless of the rights of property, ' taxation, already too oppressiveto be and penalties not upon a few individuals, j but so utterly ignorant of public affairs borne without just complaint, and may fi but upon whole masses, including the that their vot ini; can consist in nothing nally reduce tlie treasury of the nation to millions who inhabit the subject States and I more than carrying a ballot to the place a condition of bankruptcy. We must not even their unborn children. These wrongs ; where they are directed to deposit it. j delude ourselves. It will require a strom' I need not remind you that the exercise standing army and probably more than of the elective franchise is the highest at-! two hundred millions of dollars (f 200,000, tribute ot an American citizen, and that 000) per annum to maintain the suprema when guided by virtue, intelligence, patri- j cy of negro governments after they arees otism, and a proper appreciation of our ( tablished. The sura thus thrown away free institutions it constitutes the trus ba-j would, if properly used, f jrm a sinking sis of a democratic form of government in fund large enough to pay the whole na- t. t. .i . : :.. i j i ,e. i .1 ij.i. i- -r which me. oereii:ii power is lougeu in me uonai ueoL in less man nueen years, it is bod come within our jurisdiction, and no mat ter whether they live in States, Territories or districts. I have no desire to save from the proper and just consequences of their great crime, those who encracred in rebellion vuv iranweroi our political inheritance to I ruination to nrMPrv ih- ml.r;ioiu.n . them, would, in my opinion, be an aban- free government in their own hands, and uuuuieui, 01 a uuiy wnicn we owe alike to the memory of our fathers and the rights of our children. The plan of putting the St athern States wholly, and the general government par tially into the hands of negroes is proposed at a time peculiarly unpropitious. The foundations of society have been broken up by civil war. Industry must be re-organised, justice re-established, public credit maintained, and order brought oat of con fusion. To accomplish these ends would require all the wisdom and virtae of the great men who formed our institutions originally. I confidently believe that their j- 1 tTTr,-w-t- if- v 1. . 1 4 . 1 m v. 'vii 11 . a iu;iii v nt 1 f ..,.;....: . . ml ' v. 1 11 1 1. .ti acrainst 1: t 'i a on mchoiV i a .11' 1 A t t! l e o 1 I tact, and w 1 1 tint the restoration ;o ; i eir prop, r legal relations 1' il ; . :"vernment and wi'h one c ,i to the terms of the 1 . .. W' .!'! I the greatest ..:,- '-ioh God, in his kiad . ', .. . 1" stow upon this i onr inif rativ e duty - - t! ! it impo-sibie '. ''e-.-'i'i! con-uiiimati' n. .i n;t : n ' "ont i ution are in . . : one "h nbev'd by all .vi,lb- pre rved, and it -! i . i i ; '1 tnut pcri-h together, -r,.. ! 01. t!; Constitution will eater cal otilv to form t -t v i ; h State". , 1 ' 1 "f ih e; test it' ; 1. 11 1-- ly of the people. A trust artificially vain to hope that nejrroes will maintain doubt the wisdom of the law, we may not the government, but as a mode of punish-1 created, not for its own sake, but solely as ; their ascendendancy themselves. Without approvo of its provision", but we cannot j ment the measures under consideration j a means of promoting the general welfare; ' military power they are wholly incapable of violate it, merely because it seems to con- j are the most unreasonable that could be j its influence for good must nessarily do-. holding in subjection the w hite people of fine our powers within limits narrower invented. Many of those people are per- j pend upon the elevated character and true the South. I submit to the judgment of than we could wish. J fectly innocent. Many kept their fidelity : allegiance of the elector. It ought, there-J Congress whether the public credit may It is not a question of individual or class, I to the Union untainted to tho lat. Many ! fore, to be reposed in none except those , not be injuriously affected by a system of or sectional interest, much less of party j were incapable of any legil offence. A J who are fitted morally to administer it j measures like this. With our debt and the predominance, but of duty, of high and sa- i lare proportion even of the persons aide ! well ; for it conferred upon persons who ! vast private interests which are complica ered duty, w hich we are ail sworn to per-1 to bear arms, were forced into rebellion ! do not justly estimate its value and who '. ted with it, we cannot be too cautious of a form. If we canuot support tho Constitu- ' against their will, and of those who are , are indifferent as to its results, it will only ; policy which might by possibility impair tiori with the cheerful alacrity of those guilty with their own consent, tho degrees j serve as a means of placing power in the the Confidence of the world in our govern- wh love and believe in it, w e must cive to ' of guilt are as various as the shades of hands of the unprincipled and ambitious, meBt. That confidence can only be regain ed by carefully inculcating the principles of justice and honor on the popular mind, and by the most scrupulous fidelity to all our engagements of every sM. Any se- He 1 en il l sth d ii ' 1 it at I-ast the tid bty ot public servants, their character and temper. 1 and must eventuate in the complete de- w ho act under solemn obligations and com- j But these acts f Congress confound j struction ot that liberty of which it should mands whih thev dare not disregard. i them altogether in one common doom. In be the most powerful conservator. Th consituti"!ial duty is not the o'dy discriminate vengeance up jii classes, sects I have, therefore, heretofore urged upon one w hieh requires ttie States to b restor-; and parties, or upon whole communities j your attention the great danger to be ap- j nous breach ot the organic law, persisted ed. There is another consideration, which, I for offences committed by a portion of ; prehendid from an untimely extension of ; in for a considerable time, cannot butcre though of minor importance, is yet cfgrcivt j them against the governments to which j the elective franchise to any new class in ' ate fears for the stability of our institu vreigtit. 1 triey made obedience, was common in the t our country, especially when the large maj-. tions. iiaDituai violation 01 preecnoed On hu 2-d day of Jmy, 18C1, Congress j barbarous ages of the world, but Chris- j ority of that e!as in wielding the power declared by an almost unanimous vote of 1 tianity and civilization have made such placed in their hands, cannot be expected both Houses, tlmt the war should be con- J progress, that recourse to a punishment so t correctly to comprehend the duties and ducted solely for the purpose of preserving i cruel and unjust would meet with the con-! responsibilities which pertain to suffrage. the Tni' ii, and maintaining the supremacy ' demnation of all unprejudiced and right- j Yesterday, as it were, four millions of per ef the I o,!cra! Constitution :tnd taws, with- minded men. i nt pupaiii;' . i,t- of i In dignity, qnauty, s 1 t it . m 1 U t lies 'iienee, w J t.: I, p 1: t great n 1 t n ia, .itrages- uj- esaiit breaches fionii weakness, a! lo-s ( f our ', . up! ion f mor- " I 1 I V tV uu ie primitive justice of this sons wete held in a condition of slavery and . age, and especially of this country does n-t that had existed for generations. To-day s,rif individuals ; and consist 111 stripping whole States of their th-y are freemen, and are assumed by law vas done ih war should liberties, and reducing all their pv.ple, to be citizens. It eannoc be presumed from s;u 'h't (hi declaration without distinction, to the condition of their previous condition of servitude that, i pi rs,.,,:iliv bimling 0.1 i'-osc who joined ' slavery. It deals separately witii each in- as a class, they are as well informed as to in milking it, any more than individual dividual, confines itself to the forms of law, ! the nature of our government as the intel incinbers of Congress are pers(ii;i!i bound i arid vindicates its own puritv by an im- ligent foreigner wh- makes our land the in trie case ot the lat- and 1 11' Ilieiiioei s 01 v. , wru . ai v i iuan ljuuihi j '' ,i.. no ,4,nj trj n im- . iitnt i'i,vii,.. , - ..... - to pay a public debt created under a law I partial examination of every case before a home of his choice. In the for which they voted. Bui it was a solemn, j competent judicial tribunal. tor, neither a residence of fu ll ar m e evils so m irroe.n' i t ii .! V . '.v ! '1 H.f t'l I pub. ic, oiiieial j'ledge ot tne national honor, , 11 mis noes not sausiy an our desires tin.' i. and I cannot imagine upon what grounds ! with regard to Southern rebels, let us con-1 give? the repudiation of it is to be justified, if it j sole ourselves by reflecting that a free Con-; the be remembered that this promise was not j stiiution, triumphant in war, and unbroken j i-.u-made to rebels only. Thousands of true i i'i pvace, is worth far more to us and our ;;!'! lenewe uref- ( men iu the South were drawn to our stan-, children than the gratification of any pres dards by it, and hundreds of thousands in i ent feeling. I am aware it is assumed this -tora'ioii secrns ! the North gave their lives in the belief that i system of government for the Southern !. It consists ; jt would be carried out. It was made on ! States is not to be perpetual. It is true it urn ot the ( oii- !ar is not now j ,tic an, I intelligent men then saw the nec- evil tlut a greater evil is to be made per- of the ballot iy j hsic:il force. I ess:tv of giving such an assurance, and be- j petual. If the guarantees of the Constitu-; guarded agai orruj ii can prevent obe- : in disaster to our in; either North ' that rssuianoe in years l- h io ig-' oi our insiiiimons wnicu it nor nt I'-hm nt to the principles of ,-n: ; . e the only conditions b. admitted to citizen .oist prove, in addition, a good md tlum nive reasonable rules, which we bind ourselves to observe, must demoralize the people. Our only standard of civil duty being set at naught, the 6heet anchor of our political morality is lost, the public conscience swings from its moDrings and yields to uvery impulse, of passion and interest. If we repudiate the Constitution, we will not be expected to care much for mere pecuniary bliga tions. The violation of 6uch a pledge ns we made on thT22d day of July, 1801, will assuredly diminish the market vnlaeof our other promises. Besides, it we now acknowledge-that the national debt was created, not to hold the States in the Un ion, as the tax-payers were led to suppose, but to expel them from it and hand them over to be governed by negroes, the mor al duty to pay it may seem much less clear. I say it may seem so ; for I do not admit that this, or any other argument m iavor to the obligations which lie assumes as a'; citizen of the Republic. Where a people, the day after the first great battle of the J this military government is to bo only pro- the source 1 : il pelitical power, speak by war ha 1 been fought and lost. All patri-' visional, but it is through this temporary .j tip ir suffrages through the instrumentality box, it must be carefully or cause Having given I a temporary purpose, and in a part only of ; institutions principle and en For it can cnlr become to the extremity of our ; tho countrv, we can destroy them 1 all the obliga- peril, th-' violation of it now, in the day of! where and for all time. Arbitrary v i t i'ii" can be pro- ,,,;r txiwcr. wou'd be a rending ot that i ures oiten change, but thev goner v means oei feetlv ' r,,od faith which holds the moral world change for the worse. It is the curse of do to"vther. Our countrv would cease to ! potisin that it has no halting place The in every- .I e ! : i!" ! V.iidamental law. The! ev i ry w in re open, and if m s weald be unimpeded. the I'nited States can be ;;u'si;( d by the proper Judi . in a manner entirely prac- n reason why the not be obeved unless it - power have dcter ,; be disregarded aud e i .iked will of this - i:ii!' one er more of its bstaele that can exist ! t.i the States. v question, and some ing o .t f it. I havo to ili:l' r from Congress my convictions with with becoming defer of the legislative do- have any ciaun upon me commence oi men. It would ir.akw the war not only a failure but a fraud. Being sinarrly convinced that these views are correct, I would be unfaithful to my duty if I did not recommend the repeal of the actsot Congress which place ten of the Southern States under the denomination of military masters. If calm reflection shall . i . 4. . n .....t.fi-,. .O i , n,rnl .1. . 1 aa r.llisiv il IlltlJOliJI V 1 j uui . . i i ' ' vo.i that the acts referred to are not only a vio lation of the national faith, but in direct conflict with the Constitution, I lare not pel mit myself to doubt that you will im mediate! v striko them from the statute book. To demonstrate the unconstitutional termitted exercise of its power brings bo sense of security to its subjects, for they j the patriotic and worthy, our government can never Know wnai more triey win ne called to endure when its red right hand is armed to plague them again. Nor is it possible to conjecture how or where pow er unrestrained by law may seek its next victims. The States that are still free mny be enslaved at any moment. For if the Constitution does not protect all, it pro tects none. It is manifestly and avowedly the object of these laws to confer upon negroes the privileges of voting ami to disfranchise such a nnmber of white citizens as will give the f rmcr a clear majority at all elec tions in the Southern States. This to the character of these acts, I need do no more j minds of some persons is 60 important that than refer to their general provisions. It a violation of the Constitution is justified must be seen once that they are not au-1 as a means of bringing it about. The mor- "or the belief that he will be faithful j of repudiation, can be entertained as sound; bin Us influence on some classes or minds may well be apprehended. The financial honor of a great commer cial nation largely indebted, and with a Republican form of government, adminis tered by agents of the popular choice, is a thing of such delicate texture, and the de struction of it would be followed by such unspeakable calamity, that every true pat riot must desire to avoid whatever might expose it to the slightest danger. The great interests of the country require im mediate relief from these enactments Business in the South is paralyzed bv a sense of general insecurity, by a terror of confiscation and the dread of negro supre macy. The Southern trade, from which the North would have derived so great a profit under a government of law, still lan guishes, and can never be revived until it ceases to be fettered by the arbitrary pow er which makes all its operations unsafe That rich country, the richest in natural resources the world ever saw, is worse than lost if it be not soon placed under the protection of a free constitution. Instead of being, as it ought to be, a source of n :r poiiiicai ami social system a saie con- I'je'or of healthy popular sentiment when l.- rT, free from demoralizing influences. Controlled through fraud and usurpation by the designing, anarchy and despotism must inevitably follow. In the hands of will be preserved upon the principles ot the Constitution inherited from our fathers. It follows, therefore, that in admitting to the ballot box a new class of voters not qualified for the exercise of the elective franchise, we weaken our system of gov ernment, instead of adding to its strength and durability. 1 yield to no on? in attachment to that rule of general suffrage which distinguish es our policy as a nation. But there is a limit, wisely observed hitherto, which makes the ballot a privilege and a trust, and which requires of some classes a time suitable for probation and preparation. To give it indiscriminately to a new class, wholly unprepared by previous habits and opportunities to perform the trust which'it transmit it, undivided and unimpaired, to iiieir ow n posterity is too strong to be suc cei.tully opposed. Every weaker pssio:i will disappear before that love of liberty and law for which the American people are distinguished above all others in the world. How far the duty of the President to pre serveyprotect and defend the Constitution, requires him to go in opposing any uncon stitutional act of Congress, is a very seri ous and important question, en which I have deliberated much, and felt extremely anxious to. reach a proper conclusion. Where an act has been passed according to the forms of the Constitution by the supreme legislative authority, and is regu larly enrolled among the public statutes of the country. Executive resistance to it, especially in times of high party t xcitement, would bo likely to produce violent collision between the respective adherents of the two branches of the government. This would be simply civil war, and civil war must be resorted to only as the last reme dy for the worst of evils, whatever might tend to provoke it should be most" care fully avoided. ' - A faithful and conscientious magistrate will concede very much to honest error, and something even to perverse malice, before he will endanger the public peace j and he will not adopt forcible measures, or such as might lead to force, so long as those which are peaceable remain open to him or his constituents. It is true that ca ses may occur in which the Executive would be compelled to stand on its rights and maintain them regardless of all conse quences. If Congress should pass an act which is not only iu palpable conflict with the Constitution, but will certainly, if car ried out, produce immediate and irrepara ble injury to the organic structure of the government, and if there, be neither judi cial remedy for the wrongs it inflicts, nor power in the people to protect themselves without the official aid of their elected de fender ; it, for instance, the legislative de partment should pass au act, even through all the forms of law, to abolish a co-ordinate .department ot the government; ,n such a case the President must take the high responsibilities of his office and cave theJifc ot the nation. At all hazards the so-called reconstruction acts, though as plainly unconstitutional as any thrt can be imagined, .were not believed to be within the class last mentioned. The peo ple were not wholly disarmed of the power ot seifclefeiiee. In all the Northern States they still held in their hands the mcred right of the ballot, and it was safe to be lieve that in due time they would come to tho rescue of of their own institutions. It gives me pleasure to add that the appeal to our common constituents were not taken in vain, and that my confidence iu their wisdom nd virtue seems not to have been misplaced. It is well and publicly known that enor mous frauds have been perpetrated on the Treasury, and that colossal fortunes have been made at the public expense. This species of corruption has increased is iu- wiii. soon bring us into total ruin and disgrace. The Miblic creditors and the tax-payers are ! alike interested in an honest administra- tion of the finances, and neither class will ong endure the large handed robberies of the recent past. For this discreditable , state of things there are several causes some of the taxes are so laid as to present : an irresistible temptation to evade pay-1 ment; the great sums which others may win by connivance .U fraud create a pres sure which is more than the virtue of many can withstand, and there can be no doubt that the open disregard of constitutional obligations avowed by some of the highest and most influential men in the country has greatly weakened the moral sense of those who serve iu subordinate places. The expenses of the United States, incluel ing interest on the public debt, are more than six times ns much as they were seven years ago. To collect and disburse this vast amount requires careful supervision as well as systematical vigilance. The sys tem, never perfected, was much disorgan ized by the "Tenure of Office bill," which has almost destroyed official accountability. lhe President may be thoroughly con- vinced that an officer is incapable, dishon est, or unfaithful to the Constitution; but, under the law which I have named, the utmost he can do, is to complain to the Senate and ask the privilege of supplying his place with a, better man. If the Senate be regarded as - personally or poiiticady hostile to the President, it is natural and not altogether unreasonable for the officer' to expect that it will take his part, as far as possible, restore him to his place, and gave him a triumph over his executive superior. The officer has other chances of impunity, arising fiom accidental defects of evidence, the mode of investigating it, and the se crecy of ihe hearing. It is not woudnTul that official malfeasance should become buhl in proportion as the delinquents lean: to think themselves safe. I am entirely persiiaded that under such a rule the Pres- Ol,- it I re;n J " . - may i umiersioou or misunderstood i- i thousand different ways, r.nd by vioIcU partyimen in violent ?art- tinirtc ll..t., lulnesls to the constitution may oven co, o iv v-onsiue-reu meritorious. If the ccr be accused of dishonesty, how sha be made out? Will it be "intWre.t' f acts unconnected with public duty IV. private story, or from general rcpututioi -or must the President await tie cv.mu.; ti' n of an actual misdemeanor In offiea - Shaii he, in the meantime, risk the char v tors and interest of the nation in the hauds ofmcn to whom he cannot -give his couii denee ? .Must he forbear hs complaint un til the mischief is done and cannot be pre vented? If his zeal in the public- servi. .. should impel him to anticipate the overt act, must he move at tie peril of bei tried himself for the offence of shnderii -his subordinate ? In the present circumstances of the coo u, try some one must be held responsible f, official delinquency of every kind. It Is extremely difficult to say where that rr -ponsibiiity should be thrown, if it be n V left where it has been placed by the Con stitution. ' But all just men will admit that the Pre sident ought to be entirely releived fix i i such responsibility if he cannot meet it by reason of restrictions placed by law ir n his action. The unrestricted power of ie moval from office is a very great one to b. trusted even to a magistrate chosen by tho C; 1 wealth and power, it will become an in tolerable burden upon the rest of the na tion. Another reason for retracing our steps with doubtless be seen by Congress in the late manifestations ot public opinion upon general sutirago ot the whole people - .! accouiuauie u.rectiy to tnem tor Ins juf.s. It is undoubtedly liable to abuse, and some periods of our history perhaps Las been abused. If it be thought desirable and constitu tional that it should lie so limited as make the President merely a common in former against other 'public agents, l', should at least be permitted to act in th:.". capacity before some open tribunal inde pendent of party polit ics, ready to inve ;; gate the merits of every cast", furnished -with the means of taking evidence, and hound to decide according to establish.. 1 rules. This would guarantee the safety f the accuser when heads in good faith, ni. i at the same time secure llie rights of th; other party. I speak, of course, with ail proper in spect for the present. Sen Ue ; Im it do not seem to me 'Ja; any legislative boo can be so constituted as to imr.re its f.tn. w tor these functioi.s: it is. not ti e tht of this govei:n-.H,t that public Me property ot t;,o.-e UiaU.'ol I them. Tie , are given merely, as a trust for the' pub;., benefit, sometimes for a fixed period sometimes during good behavior ; b:;l generally they are liable to be terminate! at the pleasure of tho appointing p;wo-,. which represents the coi'ec'ive mrjes: , and speaks the will of the people. Tl i . i'-reed retention in ofloe of a single dis honest pert-ou may woik great injury to the public iiivCi osts. The d..42ger to tl;- public service conies not from .'the p iwe, .'o remov e, but from the power to appoint . Therefore it w?s that the framei s of th,' Constitution left the pow. r of remov.u. unrestricted, while' they gave the S nate r. right to reject all appointments which in its opinion were hot fit. to bo made. A ii; lie reflection on this subject will probabl satisfy all w ho have the good of tho coun try at heart, that our best course" is to tai; the Constitution for our guide, walk in 'he path marked out by the founders c. the republic, and obey the rules madu k; cred by the observance of our great pre decessors." The present condition of on ' finances and circulating medium ii one to w hich your early consideration '..is invited. The proportion which the currency ofanv country should bear to the whole, "value V the annual produce circulated by its means is a question upon w hich political econo mists have not agreed. Nor can it be con trolled by legislation, but must be left t the irrevocable laws which everywhere regulate commerce and trade. The circr lating "medium will ever irresistibly flow to Mose points w here it is in greatest de mand. The law of demand and supply i as unerring as that which regulates "the tides of the ocean, and indeed currency, like the tides, has its ebbs and flovvr throughout tbe commercial world. At th -beginning of the rebellion" the bank-not s circulation of the country amounted to no: much more than two hundred millions of dollars. . Now the circulation of national bank notes and those known as legal ten ders is nearly seven hundred millions. While it is urged by some that th; , amount should bo increased, others con tend that a decided reduction is aWojutc-iv essential to the best interests of the coun try. Iti v iew of these diverse opinions ;J may be well to ascertain the real value of our paper issues when compared -with metallic or convertible currency. For thi purpose let us inquire how much gohl an ; silver e .ila be purchased by the seve:' hnndred millions of paper money now in -'ic-uLilion. Probably not more than hub' i: o amount of the latter, showmg U;.v. when our paper currency is compared witb gold and silver its commercial va'uc is compressed into three hundred and h millions. This striking fact, makes it the obvious duty of the government, as early as may be consist em with the -prineipl s o! sound political economy, to take suco m- csun s a- wM enable the holder of . it-; notes and tho; ot the national banks b convert th, ni without los.s inie spei-ot, its "equivalent,. A reduction of our paper circulating medium ned vA nciesmily follow. This, hov.cvc-r, would depend up- . i i . : i on trie utw ot oeiuaiid sum snpinv it should be b erne in mind thai tender and ; tank notes ident cannot perform the great duty as signed to him ot seeing the laws faithfully inforced. and that it disables him most ts sp -eially from enforcing that rigid accoun tability which is necessary to the due exe cution of the revenue laws. The Constitu tion invests th? President with authority to decide whether a removal should be made in any case. The net of Ce ngress declares in substance that he thallcnly ac cuse such as he supposes to be unworthy of their trust. The' Constitution rnfikes him sob judge in the premises, but the statute takes away his iurisdiction. trans fers it to the Senate, and leaves him noth- into coin or its equivalent, their preset:'; inor but the odious, and sometimes imnrac- specie value m the hands ot their hoidet : titrable, duty of becoming a prosecutor. j would be enhanced one hundred per cent. The prosecution is to be "conducted before j Legislation for the accomplishment of a legal thongi- by n aiii, CoU Vet i ibi
The Greensboro Patriot (Greensboro, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Dec. 13, 1867, edition 1
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